Narratives
There is no single narrative that will work. The approach to take is to build coalitions. I have mentioned NANV (non-aligned and non-voters), before. But it is not a monolithic block of voters. While the unifying theme can be that India’s politicians and parties are the biggest anti-prosperity machine in India, a few specific messages can help draw in more people faster into the broader Nayi Disha fold. Each of these messages can be communicated through the pipe. Emails allow tracking of opens and clicks, and thus specific narratives can be calibrated based on feedback from recipients.
There are three narratives which can serve as starting points. One of the obvious ones is that the controls need to be on politicians and not on the people. Poverty is an outcome of politicians getting a free hand to run amuck with policy interventions – India is replete with such examples. Prosperity results from constraints being put on those in power, thus ensuring freedom for people.
The second narrative can be about ending religious discrimination. While all public discrimination is wrong, religious discrimination is the most pernicious. One cannot change one’s gender or caste, but one can change one’s religion. Thus, policies can be crafted which actually encourage conversion. And the Indian government has been doing this for decades, irrespective of which party has been in power. Most Indians aren’t even aware of this, but once they know, they will feel the anger. The root lies in the Constitution which has enabled and encouraged all sorts of religious discrimination. (Of course, there is also caste-based discrimination, but that’s another story for another day.)
The third narrative can be about economic justice via Dhan Vapasi. The public wealth is being controlled by the government; this needs to be returned to the rightful owners, the people of India. This is the fastest track to creating an enabling environment for mass prosperity in India. (I have written extensively about Dhan Vapasi earlier – see under “Economic Revolution”.)
These can be the starting narratives. They address different groups of people. The first one about politicians being the problem can be addressed to the non-aligned and non-voters, who do not find the right party or candidate from among the choices on offer. The second narrative about ending religious discrimination focuses on the cultural right who want real secularism in India – where the government treats everyone the same irrespective of their religion, rather than favouritism and ministries for specific religious groups. The third narrative targets the poor, who are treated not as citizens but as votebanks – given freebies which actually diminish their future opportunities, in return for being reminded to vote for the Supreme Leader in whose name the theft is being done.
With the pipe in place, these narratives can make the political game competitive – all the politicians, parties and their supporters on one side, and everyone else who wants to dismantle India’s 250-year anti-prosperity machine on the other. With the pipe in place, it should be a no-contest!
